Although the NBI has
been lauded as a constructive move in de-escalating riparian tensions of
increasing evidence from the 1980’s onwards, there are critiques as to its
practicality as the singular functioning model. From a conceptual standpoint,
critics including Ashok Swain (2002) have pointed to historical evidence
suggesting that an integration of a sub-basin model would help the initiative
to avoid micro management and disincentivisation, and thus be more appropriate than the NBI alone, which
still partitions water rights based on ‘ecologically arbitrary’ (Wolfenson,
2001), boundaries of state borders. As he elucidates, to develop the full
economic potential of the river it would be more optimal to regard the river
based on a collection of supplementary basins, that should be regarded as
individual units in their own rights, irrespective of state boundaries.
As illustrated on the
right hand side, we can see that the Nile distinctly partitions between
catchments.
From this point of view, as Swain suggests, it is inefficient for example, to
have countries in the tributaries of the White Nile (upstream; SB 1,2,4) be
concerned with the usage patterns of a disconnected basin, namely that of the
Blue Nile tributaries (SB6,7). As it stands, this is not the case, and a total
consensus from all 10 riparian states is required to act on all issues throughout
the basin.
However, is not an alternative without limitations as none
of the Nile’s hydrological catchment is in Egypt even though the country has
historically used the majority of the discharge. Although Egypt’s longstanding
reliance on ‘acquired rights’ has become an increasingly tenuous defence in
recent years, this doesn’t mean that moving forward their requirements can be
dismissed at the expense of burgeoning upstream development initiatives. A
singular sub basin approach would inevitably cause political fractures that the
NBI has been established deter. Furthermore, with all of the countries on the
Nile having agriculture economies as their primary sectors ‘irrigation has
therefore become the cornerstone of food security’ (Swain, 2002: p.299), and is
not surprising that downstream neighbours will be concerned with the actions of
those in upstream basins, irrelevant of how ecologically removed they may first
immediately appear. Therefore, to dismiss the conceptual relevance of the NBI
as but a dream of bureaucratic actuality would be foolish, as a formal
touchpoint for multilateral negotiations does have serious potential, even in
an age where large institutions do not seem to be the flavour of the month, it
seems to be a question of execution rather than of concept.
References:
James Wolfensohn, “Rich Nations Can Remove World Poverty as a Source of
Conflict,” International Herald Tribune, 6 October 2001.
Swain, A. (2002) The Nile Basin Initiative: Too Many Cooks Too Little Broth : SAIS review Volume 22, Issue 2, pp.293-308
Sadoff,
C.W., Grey, D., (2002), Beyond the river: the benefits of cooperation on
International rivers : “Water Policy”, no. 4
Mason,
S. A., (2004), From Conflict to Cooperation in the Nile Basin, Zurich: Swiss
Federal Institute of Technology
Ndunda, E., (2006), States to sign Nile Accord Next Month, in: “The Standard”, no. 21,
November
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